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A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure by Luis López

By Luis López

During this quantity, Luis López sheds new gentle on details constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist software. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer exhibits that notions corresponding to 'topic' and 'focus', as often outlined, yield no predictions and proposes in its place a function procedure in accordance with the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He provides a close version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay occurs on the part point, with a privileged position for the sting of the part. extra, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of items in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and indicates that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, autonomous of discourse connectedness. the amount ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.

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Extra resources for A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure

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De cadires. 14) Syntax and Information Structure Context: There are no chairs here. a. Sı´ che ce ne sono, di yes that Cl Cl are of sedie. chairs [It] b. Di sedie, si che ce ne sono. ’ The following example makes a similar point. 15) Context: No sailors arrived at the station. ’ de of mariners. ’ cap, no d’unicorn. of ’unicorn I have shown that in Catalan and Italian one can dislocate non-speciWc indeWnites with the help of a ‘‘partitive’’ clitic. What about languages without an overt partitive clitic?

Let us take it then that what distinguishes plain focus from contrastive focus is a feature that I annotate as [+c]. 2). The speaker may have the intention of correcting his interlocutor, as has often been claimed, I think correctly, but that is not part of an analysis of I-language. Anything that can be a regular focus can also be FFed. 32), anything that can be given or delivered can be fronted felicitously: if we had ‘‘the milk,’’ ‘‘the tractor,’’ or ‘‘the check,’’ the discourse would be equally felicitous.

23) [XPdisl [ . . YP. . ]] XP is dislocated while YP remains in situ. Let’s take XP and YP to be coreferential with another constituent in the previous discourse. A topic approach to information structure analyses them both as topics without making a distinction between them (Erteschik-Shir 1997, Lambrecht 1994 are examples). Let us assume, as I suggested in the introduction, that Information structure 33 dislocates are anaphoric. If such is the case, only the dislocated XP is obligatorily dependent on an antecedent.

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