By Luis López
During this quantity, Luis López sheds new gentle on details constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist software. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer exhibits that notions corresponding to 'topic' and 'focus', as often outlined, yield no predictions and proposes in its place a function procedure in accordance with the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He provides a close version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay occurs on the part point, with a privileged position for the sting of the part. extra, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of items in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and indicates that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, autonomous of discourse connectedness. the amount ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.
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Extra resources for A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure
De cadires. 14) Syntax and Information Structure Context: There are no chairs here. a. Sı´ che ce ne sono, di yes that Cl Cl are of sedie. chairs [It] b. Di sedie, si che ce ne sono. ’ The following example makes a similar point. 15) Context: No sailors arrived at the station. ’ de of mariners. ’ cap, no d’unicorn. of ’unicorn I have shown that in Catalan and Italian one can dislocate non-speciWc indeWnites with the help of a ‘‘partitive’’ clitic. What about languages without an overt partitive clitic?
Let us take it then that what distinguishes plain focus from contrastive focus is a feature that I annotate as [+c]. 2). The speaker may have the intention of correcting his interlocutor, as has often been claimed, I think correctly, but that is not part of an analysis of I-language. Anything that can be a regular focus can also be FFed. 32), anything that can be given or delivered can be fronted felicitously: if we had ‘‘the milk,’’ ‘‘the tractor,’’ or ‘‘the check,’’ the discourse would be equally felicitous.
23) [XPdisl [ . . YP. . ]] XP is dislocated while YP remains in situ. Let’s take XP and YP to be coreferential with another constituent in the previous discourse. A topic approach to information structure analyses them both as topics without making a distinction between them (Erteschik-Shir 1997, Lambrecht 1994 are examples). Let us assume, as I suggested in the introduction, that Information structure 33 dislocates are anaphoric. If such is the case, only the dislocated XP is obligatorily dependent on an antecedent.