By Andrey Yury Filchenko
A reference grammar of the endangered indigenous jap Khanty dialects of Vasyugan and Alexandrovo of the Uralic language kin has been built. The research bases at the corpus of common narrative discourse, and is determined in a basic cognitive-functional, usage-based version of language. the outline addresses the most styles of the jap Khanty language process and gives a few typological contextualization of the reviewed language information. the outline covers the problems in phonology, word-classes, morphology, syntax and semantics of easy and intricate clauses. within the region of phonology, such systematic good points as powerful backness vowel concord and consonant-vowel concord are analyzed within the articulatory gesture framework. Morphologically, the approach is agglutinating with suffixation dominant in derivation and inflection. Syntactically, jap Khanty styles as a regular SOV language. Occasional non-prototypical gains contain non-canonical argument marking alongside ergative trend opposed to the overall history of Nom-Acc approach of GR association. In mapping of the pragmatic functions---to semantic roles---to grammatical kinfolk, japanese Khanty exhibits robust choice in the direction of Topic-initiality, generally mapped onto Agent semantic position. This choice is still dominant in detransitivisation operations, the place the prototypical mapping is altered in the direction of Topic-Target-S that in most cases has to do with the parenthetical demotion of pragmatic prestige of the Agent referent and promoting of the non-Agent. research of jap Khanty complicated clauses unearths strong use of finite and non-finite (participial, infinitival and converbial) buildings as relative, adverbial and supplement clauses in typologically universal options of clause-linking. conventional discrete differentiation into subordinate and coordinate varieties in keeping with morphosyntactic standards seems insufficient, divorced from the structural range of the saw complicated clauses. Cognitive-functional strategy is used as an alternative, implying a common means of construal of associated occasions, beautiful to cognitive kin among states-of-affairs, instead of specific structural capacity. This ends up in a continuum of combinable beneficial properties finding every one clause with regards to both the subordinate or coordinate prototypes. Clause-linkage recommendations are with regards to the pragmatic differentiation of knowledge in utterances, with pragmatics, info structuring facets being on the middle of the excellence among the subordination and coordination.
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3SG always c. ’ contado. PTCP c’. *[Poco] [a ella] le puede haber contado. g. ²⁷ Jaeggli (1987) notes that in situ subject wh- elements in Spanish may appear in postverbal position (25b), but not in preverbal position (25a). (25) a. *Qué dijiste que quién compró el otro día? ’ b. ’ otro día? other day O & T demonstrate that the same restriction holds for other preverbal elements, such as an indirect object (26), in Spanish. 27 O & T do not specify a syntactic location for pro. They contend that pro and lexical subjects have a different distribution based on examples like (15b, 16b, cf.
Rheme) within a larger discourse context? 3. What are the implications of the answers to questions 1 and 2 with respect to the syntactic analysis of Galician? 4. When clausal word order varies, do subjects in Galician display the hallmarks of appearing in A-positions, or Ā-positions? 1. 2. I will further refine these questions as well as the notions of basic word order and privileged status in Chapter 2 as I examine the issues at stake with respect to the syntax-information structure interface as they relate to the investigation of Galician undertaken in this monograph.
3SG so well b. INF los residentes médicos, por eso están tan bien. 3SG so well ‘Yes, the patients must be taken care of by resident doctors, that’s why they are so well cared for’ c. INF a los pacientes por eso están tan bien. ’ For Camacho, the fact that a CLLD direct object (a los pacientes) and preverbal subject may not appear with an epistemic modal (27a) strongly suggests that the two do not always occupy the same left-dislocated syntactic position, which is unexpected under the assumption that left-peripheral topics (of any type) are recursive elements.