By Thomas Vaughan
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Movement to VP' then crosses one barrier, since tensed CP is a barrier. Further movement to the matrix verb phrase adds a second violation, yielding the equivalent of (80), though there is only one wh-island. Suppose now that we take the "English value" of the parameter, with the lowest tensed IP adding a barrier. '' In the case of (82a), then, the two choices give the same results, though they differ in the case of (77a b). Consider next (82b). Movement as far < previous page page_38 next page > < previous page page_39 next page > Page 39 as VP' crosses no barriers.
The associated D-Structure representation is (53): (53) [CP[NP e] [C' C [IP John [I' I [VP see who]]]]] There are two cases of movement: movement of I to the head position C, and movement of who to the specifier position NP of CP. Thus, (52) is an instance of the verb-second phenomenon, in accord with X-bar theory. The movement of I is unproblematic, crossing only the BC IP, which is not a barrier (see (26b)). But the movement of who to the < previous page page_28 next page > < previous page page_29 next page > Page 29 matrix specifier position crosses VP, a barrier since it is not L-marked, and IP, a barrier by inheritance from VP.
B . . ] (93) they saw [NP Bill's [N' picture of Tom]] This assumption once again has certain consequences for antecedent government in adjunction structures. Consider the following example, discussed earlier: (100) how do you [t2 [want [t1 [PRO to fix the car t]]]] Recall that t1 is antecedent-governed by t2 and is governed, but not properly governed, by want. The relevant part of the structure is (101): (101) [VP t2 [VP ([V') want [CP t1 . . The bracket placed in parentheses is permitted by X-bar theory but, we have assumed, is not required when the specifier is missing; see (3).