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A Social History of France, 1789-1914 by Peter McPhee

By Peter McPhee

This quantity offers an authoritative synthesis of modern paintings at the social background of France and is now completely revised and up to date to hide the 'long 19th century' from 1789-1914. Peter McPhee bargains either a readable narrative and a particular, coherent argument approximately this century. McPhee explores issues resembling peasant interplay with the surroundings, the altering event of labor and rest, the character of crime and protest, altering demographic styles and relatives constitution, the non secular practices of employees and peasants, and the ideology and inner repercussions of colonisation.

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Extra info for A Social History of France, 1789-1914

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However, despite their assumed mantle of national will, the bourgeois deputies and their allies were soon confronted by a counter-attack from the court. Paris, 18 kilometres from Versailles and the heartland of revolutionary enthusiasm, was invested with 20,000 mercenaries and, in symbolic defiance, Louis dismissed Jacques Necker, his one non-noble minister, on 11 July. The men of the Assembly were saved by a massive rebellion of Parisian working people. Though largely barred by gender or poverty from participation in the formulation of cahiers or election of deputies, from April the menu peuple had demonstrated their conviction that the bourgeois deputies’ revolt was in the people’s name.

In some places, nobles established their own, exclusive lodges, but in general the expansion of freemasonry may be understood as an expression of a distinctive bourgeois culture outside the norms of the aristocratic élite. Businessmen, excluded from noble academies, comprised 35–50 per cent of the lodges, which also attracted soldiers, public officials and professional men. 39 FRANCE IN THE 1780s 27 While there was no self-conscious class of bourgeois with a political programme, there was certainly a vigorous critique of the privileged orders and of the allegedly outmoded claims to social order and function on which they rested.

The construction of a map of some 58 provinces and their division into 33 généralités for administrative purposes imperfectly coincided with the ethnic and historical realities of the kingdom. Administrative units varied strikingly in size (from sprawling Languedoc to the compact Dombes), in the location of their capitals (Alençon, Rennes and other centres were located in one corner of their généralité) and, most importantly, in function and powers. The pays d’État, such as Brittany, Languedoc and Burgundy, claimed rights to internal self-government denied to pays d’élection.

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